
Lyle Larson in Fort Stockton, TX
It wasn’t long ago that Democratic Congressman Ciro Rodriguez’s political career appeared finished. In 2004, Tom DeLay’s redistricting plan sliced Rodriguez’s district into the shape of a fajita strip and siphoned off his San Antonio voting base. Rodriguez was promptly bounced from office.
Two years later, the U.S. Supreme Court gave Rodriguez a reprieve, ruling that DeLay’s tinkering violated the rights of Latino voters. The 23rd District was redrawn to merge South San Antonio, Rodriguez’s home base, with a large swath of West Texas then represented by Republican Henry Bonilla. In 2006, Rodriguez completed his remarkably quick political turnabout by handily defeating Bonilla to reclaim a seat in Congress.
Now Republicans believe they can defeat Rodriguez once again. The district leans slightly Republican—it voted 54 percent for George W. Bush in 2004. Moreover, Republican challenger Lyle Larson, a county commissioner in San Antonio, could prove a tougher opponent for Rodriguez. Two years ago, Rodriguez routed Bonilla in San Antonio, the district’s major population center. The district, one of the largest and most rural in the nation, stretches from San Antonio all the way to the outskirts of El Paso. Larson has political roots in San Antonio, particularly on the city’s north side. He hopes that limiting Rodriguez’s advantage in the city—combined with votes from the district’s more conservative areas in West Texas—will boost him to victory.
To win, Larson will have to overcome the incumbent’s 4-1 fundraising advantage. To date, Larson has raised $535,000, but spent half of it to win an expensive Republican primary. Rodriguez, with help from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, has raised $1.9 million. He has $1.2 million on hand. “Sure, it’s going to be a tough race, taking on an incumbent that has raised a million dollars,” Larson says. “But people are pretty frustrated with Congress right now. Rodriguez has to explain what’s going on in Washington.”
Larson is portraying himself as a Washington outsider. In a July press release, he accused Rodriguez of raising the majority of his $1.9 million from Washington-based political action committees. Fifty-six percent of Rodriguez’s contributions come from labor union, business, and leadership PACs, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. Larson has taken some PAC funding as well, though far less than Rodriguez. As of June 30, PAC money accounted for 13 percent of Larson’s haul.
While Larson is behind in the fundraising game, he has a long public service resume and an independent streak that may win over GOP and independent voters. As former chairman of San Antonio’s Metropolitan Planning Organization, he was an early and vocal opponent of toll roads in the region, which endeared him to the numerous anti-toll voters in the district. It also put him at odds with some of Texas’ top elected officials, including Gov. Rick Perry.
Lately, his romance with anti-toll advocates has started to sour. Larson was criticized for appointing a pro-toll road member to take his place on the planning board. He also took more than $4,000 in campaign contributions from the Zachry family, which owns Zachry Construction Corp., a prominent toll road builder in Texas.
Rodriguez didn’t respond to calls seeking comment from the Observer. In an e-mail, the congressman said he is focused on changing the failed policies of the Bush administration. “Since 2007, when we took back Congress, we’ve been working five-day work weeks, we’ve funded veterans at the highest level we’ve ever funded them,” he wrote, “and we’ve worked hard to change the failed policies of Congress and the administration. But it takes time to change so much failure.”
Some pundits believe voter frustration with the Republican Party may carry endangered Democratic incumbents like Rodriguez to victory—simply because they have a “D” behind their name. Rodriguez better hope so. There are rarely second comebacks in political life.
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